Showing posts sorted by relevance for query champlain. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query champlain. Sort by date Show all posts

Thursday, June 06, 2024

Maps and Drawings

 

This map caught my eye, got me thinking...

Lifted from:

It got me thinking of the map from Charles C. Mann's "1493" 
and the map in Curtiss Hoffman's "Stone Prayers:"

And that got me thinking of these sort of map-like drawings
or drawing-like maps and Champlain:


Champlains Journals, Maps, and Illustrations

 "For archeologists, cultural anthropologists, and ethnohistorians studying early historic period Native American cultures along the Northeast coast and the interactions between these groups and Europeans, Champlain’s text, maps, and illustrations are an information treasury… Even farther south there was a language and ethnic shift that is described by Champlain. He writes that the more southern group is called the “Almouchiquois,” a people who were horticulturalists.




“They till and cultivate the land; a practice we had not seen previously. In place of ploughs they use an instrument of very hard wood made in the shape of a spade…We saw their grain, which is Indian corn. This they grow in gardens, sowing three or four grains in one spot…they heap about it a quantity of earth. Then three feet away they sow as much again; and so on in order. Amongst this corn they plant in each hillock three or four Brazilian beans, which come up in different colors…they keep the ground very free from weeds. We saw there many squashes, pumpkins, and tobacco, which they likewise cultivate (Champlain 1922:327-328).”

Adding some rows of stacked stones on the landscape, 
fuel breaks around gardens, along roads, and around water features...


 Based on his observations of the “fixed abodes” of the Indians and the cultivated fields, along with nut-bearing trees, Champlain inferred that the climate in this area was milder than that of the St. Croix River. He reported that “the Indians remain permanently in this place, and have a large wigwam surrounded by palisades formed by rather large trees placed one against the other; and into which they retire when their enemies come to make war against them” (Champlain 1922:329-330).



Mallebarre Harbor (Nauset Marsh, Eastham, Massachusetts), July 1605
On 20 July, de Monts and his party managed to ride over the shoals and sandbanks at the entrance to Nauset Harbor, which Champlain named Mallebarre (“bad bar”) for these obstacles, and into the large embayment. The land around the embayment was densely occupied. Champlain noted: “…all around it little houses about which each owner had as much land as was necessary for his support…There came to us from all sides, dancing, a number of Indians, both men and women” (Champlain 1922:350).

I suggest that stone cultural fuelbreaks are missing details... 

 On 21 July, de Monts, Champlain, and nine or ten companions, all armed, set off to visit the Indian settlement. The remainder of the French party stayed with their ship, guarding it and its contents. In his journals, Champlain describes a landscape with many cultivated fields, filled with the same crops he noted along Saco Bay. He noted several fields that were not cultivated, being left fallow and suggesting a multi-year strategy for cultivation by the natives..."

 https://www.nps.gov/articles/the-french-along-the-northeast-coast-1604-1607.htm

 "The Nauset Archaeological District, within the southern portion of Cape Cod National Seashore was one focus of substantial ancient settlement since at least 4,000 BC. Indians at Nauset Harbor practiced farming and fishing. Farming was simple, using stone hoes and fire-hardened wood tools to work the soil, but rewarding. French explorers and the early English settlers report crop surpluses. In fact, the early Pilgrim settlers purchased corn and other crop foods from the Nauset Indians during the early years of their settlement at Plymouth, just across Cape Cod Bay. One of the means of fishing can be seen in the upper right corner of the map of Nauset by Champlain (Figure 1), which shows a conical weir constructed of saplings and grass rope, designed to capture fish swimming from the marsh into a pond. Radiocarbon dating and information indicating the season in which different species were collected or hunted, based on studies of the shellfish and other faunal remains from ancient shell middens, indicate that people lived here year-round.


 The first written account of the area was by Samuel de Champlain, who sailed in on July 21, 1605, and saw a bay with wigwams bordering it all around. He went ashore with some of the crew: “before reaching [the Indians’] wigwams, [we] entered a field planted with Indian corn…[which] was in flower, and some five and a half feet in height. ... We saw Brazilian beans, many edible squashes…tobacco, and roots which they cultivate … .” He also described the round wigwams, covered by a thatch made of reeds, and the people’s clothing, woven from grasses, hemp, and animal skins. As the expedition cartographer, Champlain has left us an informative map of the Nauset Harbor area (Figure 1). 

 https://www.nps.gov/caco/learn/historyculture/the-nauset-archaeological-district-eastham.htm

Later the same day:

This image caught my eye, got me thinking, 

Lifted from:

Got me adding some missing stone cultural features,
as I envision them functioning:



 “On shore, Verrazzano noticed that the Narragansett’s “fields extend for 25 to 30 leagues; they are open and free of any obstacles or trees, and so fertile that any kind of seed would produce excellent crops.” Apparently, the Narragansetts used controlled burns to clear the land of trees, brush and briars, and making the land open for grazing for wildlife and for cultivation…”

http://smallstatebighistory.com/verrazzano-visits-the-narragansett-indians-in-1524/

Monday, September 08, 2025

Those Champlain Maps That Look Like Drawings

 I got these maps all mixed up in my mind yesterday:

Those Champlain Maps That Look Like Drawings





Above is a Wabanaki Village on the Saco River
(in present-day Maine, United States) 

Below is Port Saint Louis, according to Champlain
or Accomack/Plimoth, according to Captain John Smith
as well as Patuxet,
according to:

And:
"In the manuscript, Smith originally called Plymouth by its Native American name, Accomack, but after consulting with Prince Charles the prince changed the name to New Plimouth," according to:


"French explorer Samuel de Champlain’s map of “Port St. Louis” from 1605 is the earliest known European representation of Patuxet, the Wampanoag community that became the site of Plymouth Colony and which the Herring Pond Wampanoag still call home today. The name “Patuxet” has several possible translations including “place of little falls” and “place of little springs.” At the time of Champlain’s visit to Patuxet, the population numbered approximately 2,000 people. Families cultivated corn, beans, and squash in their gardens, gathered food, and came together for political and social meetings. In his book, The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain (1613)the author described the encounter depicted in this map. Here is an English translation from the original French:

The same day we sailed two leagues along a sandy coast, as we passed along which we saw a great many cabins and gardens. The wind being contrary, we entered a little bay to await a time favorable for proceeding. There came to us two or three canoes, which had just been fishing for cod and other fish, which are found there in large numbers. These they catch with hooks made of a piece of wood, to which they attach a bone in the shape of a spear, and fasten it very securely. The whole has a fang-shape, and the line attached to it is made out of the bark of a tree. They gave me one of their hooks, which I took as a curiosity. In it, the bone was fastened on by hemp, like that in France...Some of them came to us and begged us to go to their river. We weighed anchor to do so, but were unable to do so on account of the small amount of water, it being low tide, and were accordingly obliged to anchor at the mouth…1




At least I didn't confuse it with present-day Chaffinch Island
(although the shape of the bay causes one to wonder about tidal fishweirs):























Friday, June 30, 2023

Snaking, Stumping, and Sheeping Across the Landscape (VT)

 


Above: The corrected imagery for the image.
Below: The original from Mike's "Ancient Stone Mysteries of New England"
 which reminds me of an old drawing in an old book.



Above is the Cross and Rail imagery version and below is the photo that Mike sent in response:


Stumped!

The CSL/Stone Row denialists say there are no "stone walls" in Vermont's Champlain Valley... yet I keep finding them here, and they possess what I've come to realize are Indigenous Design Elements which relate to local Indigenous Stories of the Western Abenaki as well as more universal Great Serpent/Underwater Panther iconography. But these stoneworks are much sparser in the Champlain Valley, and seem to occur in liminal, breakthrough spaces, where the land rises and the bedrock breaks through in long ridges.
Still, they say there are no stone walls in the Champlain Valley because that fits the "sheep farmers built the stone walls" narrative - in the Champlain Valley, the Sheep Farmers used stumps to make walls to pen in their sheep, you see, so they didn't build stone walls.
And yet, there ARE stone walls in the Champlain Valley... so SOMEONE did...
Pictured: Stump Fences in Williston, Vermont (from Burlington Area History on FB)

 https://www.facebook.com/groups/ancientstonemysteries




Sunday, April 20, 2025

Sherlock Stones and the Key to the Language of Roger Williams

 Sôtay yo kisk, nupito yoht cukánuk:

                     Sunday today. I put fire in the pasture.


 “It’s the stone walls that puzzle me,” Dr. John Possum, the retired rocket surgeon, was saying to his friend and associate independent researcher Sherlock Stones. “If they were so present as some contend, then why no mention by Roger Williams in his Key to the Language of America?” “The English denoted property boundaries with walls, among other reasons for usage. So, if so many walls were already here, how could Williams not only fail to mention them, but one would think he would want to know “why all the walls?”

 


  “Fences, Possum, not ‘walls.’ The English, one could say, “denoted property boundaries” with fences of wooden rails. The first rails went up around their acquired communal planting fields, allegedly removing stones from soil previously worked by generations of Indigenous women and tossing those stones at or under those rail fences. The purpose of those wooden barriers went up around garden plots to prohibit those imported domesticated animals from destroying corn or wheat or peas, but it was not too much later that settler colonists began the practice of enclosing their “bounds” as a matter of a property law, drawn up by the settler colonists, a tangible and visual sign of an improvement of said property, about four or five feet in height, ‘Horse High and Oxen Strong and Pig Tight’ and all that, as the romantic language of Colonial History puts it. But still, it’s a perfectly good question,” replied Sherlock Stones. “But first we must consider the language of the times.  In the early 1600s in English eyes, to English ears, “stone walls” more likely meant the defensive stone walls of a castle or a fortress rather than what most people today think of as “stone walls.” I’m not quite sure at what point in the curious history of the modern American English language when the expression “stone wall” replaced “stone fence,” any more than do I know the cultural origin of those cross and rail fences or those zigzag rail Snake or Worm Fences one sees show up in the beginning of virtually every stone wall book ever written. The Wattle and Daub fence one sees in the gardens of re-created Colonial English Plantations (or in the plans of Fort Pohham) is clearly a European creation in use both here and in Europe, and only occasionally does one see a writer imply that these early colonial wooden constructions enclosing corn or wheat fields may have a had a “Native American Hunting Fence” origin, such as Champlain wrote about and had illustrated in several forms. One version shows what greatly resembles a picket fence, just to ensure that the European audience interprets it as a fence, despite the inaccuracy of the engraving.”





  Dr. Possum opened up a well-worn dog-eared print copy of William’s Key and read aloud:

  The Natives are very exact and punctuall in the bounds of their Lands, belonging to this or that Prince or People, (even to a River, Brooke) &c. And I have knowne them make bargaine and sale amongst themselves for a small piece, or quantity of Ground: notwithstanding a sinfull opinion amongst many that Christians have right to {Heathens} Lands: but of the delusion of that phrase, I have spoke in a discourse concerning the {Indians} Conversion.

   When a field is to be broken up, they have a very loving sociable speedy way to dispatch it: All the neighbours men and Women forty, fifty, a hundred &c, joyne, and come in to help freely.

   With friendly joyning they breake up their fields, build their Forts, hunt the Woods, stop and kill fish in the Rivers, it being true with them as in all the World in the Affaires of Earth or Heaven: By concord little things grow great, by discord the greatest come to nothing…”

    “Ah - The Bounds,” Sherlock sighed, “An expression that gives us, modernly, the term “boundaries,” more or less in the same way that the word “fence” itself is derived from “defense” or “defensive barriers,” one could say. Williams seems to be writing about the bounds of small parcels of land, filled with the flora and fauna he meticulously lists, that fed the Indigenous Peoples, the resource zones of the seasonal round the serious student hears so much about, the gathering part of hunting and gathering that some anthropologists say supplied so much food (for humans and the animals hunted) that the introduction of maize into the region was almost a “non-event.”

     Dr. Possum frowned at the text and said, “Well here’s this reference to “stop and kill fish in the Rivers.” By “stop” does Williams mean to pause beside a river and catch fish or is he implying that the Native Americans could and would build and maintain the dam-like fish traps known as weirs??” He pointed to Sherlock Stone’s huge map of place names he had painted on one of the walls of the room they were in. “There’s quite a few ‘fishing places’ to be found, some with a fragment of the words for stone in them.”

 

   “Peculiar how a stone wall-like structure in a river or stream seems to be feat Indians were very capable of designing, building, using, and maintaining for century after century, often recorded as gathering places in which to celebrate the return of a certain migrating fish, species such the Salmon or Shad or Eels in yearly festival-like celebrations but once one reaches dry land, the concept of Indians building permanent masonry structures here flies out the window, despite examples of Indigenous stonework structures to be found in the arid American Southwest or in the rain forests of Amazonia.”

   “It’s as if,” Possum mused, “the area now known as Southern New England was the only place in the world where people so generously supplied with both ordinary and exotic stones, transported and dropped room service style by glaciers, never stacked one stone on top of the other." 

   “One might attempt to build a case that any Indigenous person who could not stack one stone on a top of another was exiled to the Connecticut or Rhode Island Shoreline, walked the ancient trade route highways to the area, to happily live with others like them, perhaps patiently or perhaps anxiously waiting for the Europeans to sail in a teach them how to stack stones,” Sherlock said.


(Is the above map is actually of present-day Biddeford ME?)








    Possum turned his gaze toward another wall where Sherlock Stones had painted reproductions of several of the old drawing like maps that had been made after the earliest of European voyages, based observations by Giovanni Verrazzano, John Smith, and Samuel de Champlain, peppered with quotes from the explores about villages packed “check to jowl’ on the landscape, cornfields “fathoms” in extent, a place too crowded with Indigenous Peoples to provide suitable space for English colonial settlements. The Doctor noted the places where his compatriot had painted in low rows of stones with snake heads at their beginnings, quite resembling the LiDar images other researchers attributed to settler colonist farmsteads, enclosures sometimes regular and rectangular but sometimes quite irregular like shapes on a crazy quilt.





   Sherlock Stones struck a match and as he lit his pipe said, “Now there is also that Burning Question to consider: all those references about the thermal pruning of the landscape, the often-mentioned fires set by Indians that to this day remains very much understudied and very much poorly understood.” Stones picked up one of his tablets and stabbed at it with his forefinger. He read aloud, “When I argued with them about their Fire-God [Yotáanit]: can it, say they, be but this fire must be a God, or Divine power, that out of a stone will arise in a Sparke, and when a poore naked Indian is ready to starve with cold in the House, and especially in the Woods, often saves his life, doth dresse all our Food for us, and if he be angry will burne the House about us, yea if a spark fall into the drie wood, burnes up the Country ? (though this burning of the Wood to them they count a Benefit, both for destroying of vermin, and keeping down the Weeds and thickets)”. (A Key, p. 125)” He touched the screen again and read, “Sôtay yo kisk, nupito yoht cukánuk,” which seems to translate to: ‘Sunday today. I put fire in the pasture.’”

 

  “So,” said Possum, “A field of some sort of grass, in a thickly populated place, was “burned over” for some purpose, no mention of how the fire was prevented from spreading, just as the burning over of hunting lands is tossed out by Williams in the argument about Indigenous ownership of the lands with powerful Puritan leaders of the time, their bounds, beyond the agricultural gardens Indian people used and maintained, without mention of a "too low to be a barrier to domesticated animals imported from Europe" row of culturally stacked stones as a hearth-like fuel break such as the notorious Timothy “Eyes and Antlers” McSweeney claims to observe in Woodbury Connecticut, by a village site where the Indigenous “stone wall-like structures” resemble the Big Snake Spirit that controlled weather, guarded “Indian Gardens” of many kinds, and importantly, put out the fires set by the lightning from Thunder Birds/Beings eyes as the two battled, creating the sounds of thunder and the flashing of lightning.”

 

  “It’s Tim, not Timothy – and Mac, not Mc,” Sherlock responded, “And I am not sure why this contact era village is not of more interest to either professional or avocational “true believers” and skeptics of Ceremonial Stone Landscapes alike. That pervading cloud of Colonialistic or Nationalistic attitude that ‘nothing much happened here before 1620,’ obscures and often ridicules observations of Indigenous stonework that continues to disappear more every day, buried by leaves or carelessly destroyed by machinery, washed away with flooding and often rebuilt in a style foreign to the disappearing Nonnewaug Cultural Landscape.”

  “It is a unique place, indeed,” Watson mused. “Most CSL researchers are looking at "remote" upland hunting grounds that may also be considered Sacred and Ceremonial Grounds while here is a village site which isn’t as completely buried beneath the modern cities of Providence RI or Plymouth MA, or the Village of Mattatuck that became Waterbury CT, or the village where Sachem Pomperaug had once lived, just five miles south on the Indian Path, that became present day Woodbury CT.”

   I compee agreetly,” said Sherlock with a wink of his eye. “All these places, connected by roadways bordered with remnants of zigzag rows of culturally stacked stones as well as linear rows of stones that undulate like a giant snake on the landscape, the occasional Algonquian dialect place name still in use need a second and third look at without remaining under the shadows of a Colonialistic or Nationalistic Archaeology.”



"Do you know why most investigators fail? They refuse to extend their basic knowledge beyond the bounds of basic investigative procedure. It is the mark of the mediocre investigator who fails to use the informed imagination part of science that has in the past led to the greatest of discoveries."

 ~ Sherlock Stones






Friday, March 21, 2014

The Madison "Whodunnit?" Continues

      Continuing, the next day, from: http://wakinguponturtleisland.blogspot.com/2014/03/cultural-trap.html, wondering if I can actually keep up the analogies and court room metaphors (compounded with deciding against actually revisiting the site in real life and getting some better photo images – we’ll instead have to suppose that the judge will caution the Defense for using such poor quality photos as evidence):

     The Cultural Scene Investigation ("CSI Madison" in the TV version) team tries to deduce the former historical usage of the area in question. The oldest available aerial photography is from 1934:
     It is greatly suspected that the area was not plowed, owing to the rocky nature of the land and the availability of floodplain fields that were prime targets of early Anglo-European acquisition since they had already been used by Indigenous People as, and here again is a little cultural bias, horticultural fields. As Dr. Lavin writes: “Planting activities are called “horticulture” rather than “agriculture” in Native Connecticut because they were only one part of the economy, not its foundation (pg. 203), because the archeological evidence shows that the traditional seasonal rounds to collect wild plant and animal foods still continued as they had for a very long time. On the other hand, William Cronon, in Changes in the Land, does call it “an agriculture” that didn’t look orderly to Europeans “accustomed to monocultural fields,” since corn mounds were also planted with beans that grew up cornstalks as well as squashes and pumpkins that spread along the ground, discouraging weeds and retaining soil moisture. Cronon adds in not only the fact that Indigenous women, by the Late Woodland period, by doing most of the planting and gathering contributed about 75% of foodstuff, but also adds that a kind of agro-forestry had been developed, a sort of tending of what Europeans considered a “wilderness” with the use of low intensity scheduled ground fires which are very different from the wild crown fires we see on TV that our cultural bias draws to mind.
      There’s been an increase in the study of this fire maintenance by Indigenous Peoples all over the world in the last thirty years, and here on the ground in Connecticut, I sort of maintain that what have been called early colonial "dumped" stone walls may actually be carefully and artistically made Indigenous made fuel breaks to control those fires.
      And this was probably done with some Ceremony, like Renewal Ceremonies documented in Northern California (to name just one of many places). Much mention is made by many early European visitors and colonial residents of Indians using fire to keep forests and hill tops brush free for hunting as well as the occasional mention of using fire to drive game animals, something that also would involve Ceremony or ritual Hunting Magic as it is sometimes referred to.
   Perhaps an untrained but self-educated amateur like me might be called in as a witness who believes that animal effigies are a distinctive repeated pattern in Indigenous stonework, ever since coming upon what might be a Tobacco Sacrifice Stone that greatly resembles a Bear’s head (and cleverly work in the photos I took yesterday):

    And of course let me add another animal effigy on another boulder quite near (a good scientist would have measured this distance sometime between 1996 and now), quite possibly a deer head, which seems important since deer remains are very prevalent at archaeological sites, and are most often described as the animals hunted in drives (such as the one Champlain wrote about and some other guy who never actually saw one made the following famous lithograph of ):



     So let me just flop a couple images so that west is on the top of each and mash together the oldest and newest aerial images I could find of this particular place in the “Whodunnit?”
    And let me get those land use experts (all played by me actually) to state that they suspect the land was used to pasture domesticated grazing animals, such as horses and cows, oxen and sheep. These same experts suspect that the area of “pasteurization” (as one of me jokingly puts it) may have been larger or may have been wood lots – places where early colonists let pigs run loose to forage in the wild (as another of me puts it) or the Mast Forest maintained by the Indigenous People who had lived here for thousands of generations (as the one of me who read Changes in the Land, 1491 by Charles C. Mann and many other works about Cultural Landscapes argues with those other mes). We also agree we don’t really know what those funny lines are on the ’34 aerial around the present day “wood road,” probably originally a “cart path,” as those kind of experts love to call those field access roads. They show up here and there on these and other images stolen online from the CT State Library Website:

      A wider capture (looking north to south) shows more rows of stones (and many more not in rows but possibly in piles, but maybe not) that at this point haven’t been closely examined, but seem to lend a little credibility to the being out of the “plow zone:”
     And then we’ll zoom back to that “window” and the doctored image created by that amateur who claims there is a degree of artistic stacking and careful placement of stones in Indigenous stonework so that animal effigies important in their culture (and survival) are suggested by that placement (whether he knows exactly which animal it is or not), by adding in some eyes and nostrils and stuff:

     You will note that the avocational witness (sounds better than ametuer, doesn't it?) has included a clam shell (especially if you open the above image in its own window) to burn a little kinnikkinnick or tobacco mixture in at some point before taking the life of a game animal in respect – noting that the possible game drive (or run) may possibly take advantage of the afternoon sea breeze coming inland from Long Island Sound would keep the hunter upwind of the deer or other animals whose remains are most often found in archaeological sites…
    You might notice that lighter colored stone at about the 4 O’clock point of the “window” that the hunter might be looking through while concealed behind the “barricade.” The court orders an expert to examine this stone to see if it is perhaps a type of shaft abrader (or something) known to be used by the Indigenous People who lived in the area at some point in time:
(And the court recesses until next time I start writing again...)